From OECD
Latin American Economic Outlook 2014
Logistics and Competitiveness for Development
Latin American economies continue to present relatively stable growth but continued
uncertainty with regards to the duration of the commodity boom could pose threats
to medium-term growth and economic development. Latin American countries face increasing
competition from emerging economies across the globe particularly in manufacturing sectors.
In this context of shifting wealth, it is increasingly important to foster competitiveness and connectivity.
Improving logistics performance is particularly important as it directly impacts growth, productivity,
and trade within the region and beyond. The region’s productive structure with significant
concentration in natural resource and agriculture augment the importance of logistics in
fostering competitiveness. Nevertheless, logistics performance in the region faces serious
gaps particularly in the areas of customs performance and the availability of infrastructure.
Improving these aspects will entail more and better investment in infrastructure, as well
as making the most of existing infrastructure by putting in place efficient
trade facilitation measures and efficient and appropriate regulatory frameworks.
|
Paul Krugman - Princeton University
Paper presented at the 14th Jacques Polak Annual Research Conference
Hosted by the International Monetary Fund
Washington, DC─November 7–8, 2013
Currency Regimes, Capital Flows, and Crises
..."My answer is that claims about the vulnerability of floating-rate debtors to crisis haven’t been given
any specificity because they do not, in fact, make sense. Simple macroeconomic models suggest that a
loss of confidence in a country like the United States, taking place at a time when interest rates are at
the zero lower bound, should, if anything, have an expansionary effect. Nor can one appeal to the
lessons of history: cases resembling the hypothesized crisis scenario are rare, and those that exist don’t
support the notion that Greek-style crises can take place under a very different currency regime.
You may find it implausible that conventional wisdom, backed by so many influential people, could be
wrong on so basic a point. But it’s not the first time that has happened, and it surely won’t be the last"...
Roberto Alvarez and José De Gregorio
Universidad de Chile - October 2013
Why did Latin America and Developing Countries Perform Better in the
Global Financial Crisis than in the Asian Crisis?
The response of Latin American economies to the Global Financial Crisis
was unprecedented. In the past, when the world got the flu, Latin
America got pneumonia. Such was the case with the East Asian financial
crisis, but this time was different. Emerging market economies were able
to successfully weather the worst financial crisis since the Great
Depression. This paper looks at which factors explain better
performance. Was it good luck? Was it good policies? In this article,
economic growth during the global financial crisis is compared with
growth during the Asian crisis. We look at the experience of Latin
America and present econometric evidence for a large sample of
countries, with special focus on emerging and developing economies. We
find that exchange rate flexibility and a looser monetary policy played
an important role in mitigating the crisis. We also find that higher
private credit growth and more financial openness reduced growth.
There is some evidence of good luck, but only within the sample of thirty
one emerging markets. Better macroeconomic management during the
recent crisis was key to the unprecedented economic performance.
Carlos A. Vegh -
Johns Hopkins University and NBER
Guillermo Vuletin -
Brookings Institution
October 21, 2013
The road to redemption: Policy response to
crises in Latin America
This paper analyzes the …fiscal and monetary policy responses to crises in
Latin America over the last 40 years. We argue that, on average, Latin American
countries have graduatedin terms of their policy reponses in the sense that they
have been able to switch from procyclical to counteryclical policy responses
(with Brazil and Chile being prime examples). We further argue that such
countercyclical policy response has been efective in reducing the duration and
intensity of crises. Finally, we relate our analysis to the current crisis in
the Eurozone and argue that it shares some of the features of the oldLatin
America; in particular, procyclical …fiscal and monetary policy responses to
crises in Latin America over the
|
From
Cepal
Review
Capital formation in Latin America: one and a
half century of macroeconomic dynamics
Xavier Tafunell - 2013
Macroeconomic studies indicate that physical capital formation has played a pivotal
role in long-term economic growth. These studies have been hampered, however,
by a data constraint: in order to pinpoint exactly what the role of capital formation
has been, a larger empirical database –larger in terms of both the time span and
the geographical area covered– is needed. This study addresses that problem by
providing new and very extensive series on capital formation in Latin America. It
also describes the different series used to identify long, medium and short-term
movements. One of the outstanding features of these investment trends were their
marked instability up to 1950. Another salient aspect has been the more robust
growth in investment seen in the second half of the nineteenth century, which actually
outdistanced the growth spurt that occurred during the “golden age” of 1950-1980.
|
From the Thirty-Fourth Session of
ECLAC- San Salvador- August 2012
Structural change for equality. An integrated vision for development
Structural change for equality
Virtuous structural change is a qualitative
transformation of the production structure. It
drives and strengthens more knowledge-intensive
sectors and activities that enjoy high demand, and
it generates more and better employment, which
is the master key to equality.
Equality is the objective; structural change, the
path; and policy, the instrument.
Strengthen the role of the State as a guarantor of rights and
driver of policies for sustainable economic and social
development.
From the Thirty-Third Session of
ECLAC- Brasilia- May 2010
Time
for Equity: closing gaps, opening trails
(2
July 2012) "Planning for development is back with a
renewed strength and complex challenges," said today
the Deputy Executive Secretary of ECLAC Antonio Prado, when
opening the commemorative seminar to celebrate the fiftieth
anniversary of the Latin American and Caribbean Institute
for Economic and Social Planning (ILPES) at the
organization's headquarters in Santiago, Chile.
"Closing the multiple gaps in the region takes a
long-term vision, strategic planning and long-lasting
persistence," highlighted Prado at the international
seminar that will conclude tomorrow. "The State must be
capable of providing strategic management for the long run,
looking ahead, and being involved in the design of
strategies for guiding national development," he
emphasized.
|
J. M. Katz - 2001 - ECLAC
Structural reforms, productivity and technological change in Latin America
— The fact that we can predict eclipses does not mean that we can predict
revolutions.
— Five overlapping sub-systems –science, technology, economy, politics and
general culture– influence the process of economic growth. Although each of
the five has its own distinctive features and relative autonomy, it is their
interdependence and interaction which provides major insights into the
processes of “forging ahead”, “catching up” and “falling behind” in economic
growth.
Christopher Freeman, History, Co-evolution and Economic Growth, University
of Sussex, Science Policy Research Unit
|
From Economic
and Political Weekly
April 1, 2006
Vol. XLI, no. 13 (pp.1241-6)
Poverty and Capitalism
Barbara Harriss-White - 2006
University Professor of Development Studies; Director of the School of Interdisciplinary Area Studies programme - Faculty of Oriental Studies - University of Oxford
The 21st century has witnessed an impoverishment of the concept of
development.
From its
start as a project of capitalist industrialisation and agrarian change,
the political direction and
social transformation that accompany this process – and the deliberate
attempt to order and
mitigate its necessary ill effects on human beings and their habitats –
development has been
reduced to an assault on poverty, apparently driven by international
aid, trade and financial
agencies and festooned in targets. At the same time, the concept of
poverty has been
enriched by being recognised as having many dimensions –
monetary/income poverty,
human development poverty, social exclusion and poor peoples’ own
understandings
developed through participatory interactions [Laderchi et al 2003].
While it may be possible to mitigate
poverty through social transfers, it is not possible to eradicate the
processes that create
poverty under capitalism.
Eight such processes are discussed: the
creation of the preconditions; petty commodity production
and trade; technological change and unemployment; (petty)
commodification; harmful commodities and waste; pauperising
crises; climate-change-related pauperisation; and the unrequired,
incapacitated and/or dependent human body under
capitalism. Ways to regulate these processes and to protect against
their impact are discussed.
|
SEDLAC - Socio-Economic
Database for Latin America and the Caribbean
This web site includes statistics on poverty and other
distributional and social variables from 25 Latin American and
Caribbean (LAC) countries. All statistics are computed from microdata
of the main household surveys carried out in these countries using a
homogenous methodology (data permitting). Statistics are updated
periodically.
SEDLAC allows users to monitor the trends in poverty and other
distributional and social indicators in the region. The dataset is
available in the form of brief reports, charts and electronic Excel
tables with information for each country/year. In addition, the website
visitor can carry out dynamic searches online.
SEDLAC is an ongoing project. All statistics shown in this site are
preliminary. We are grateful to all comments and suggestions that help
improving the database.
|
Economic Commission for Latin
America and the Caribbean:
Cepal Review-------Papers
Structural Reforms Series
Research and studies
The political context and the role of the State
Social Change in Latin America in the Early 1970s
Statistical Yearbook
Preliminary Overview of the
Economies of Latin America and the Caribbean
Economic Survey of Latin
America and the Caribbean
Foreign
Investment in Latin America and the Caribbean
Social
Panorama of Latin America
Raúl
Prebisch and the Challenges of Development in the XXI Century
El desarrollo económico de América Latina y algunos de sus principales problemas - R. Prebisch, 1949
The economic development of Latin America and its principal problems - R. Prebisch, 1949
Research for Development
This
section of the Prebisch site is designed to support research into the history
and present status of his thinking about development in Latin America and the
Caribbean. Structured as a news bulletin, it will promote various activities to
be organized or supported, such as meetings, workshops and seminars. Competitions
will also be held for the preparation of articles on different subjects, and a
series of discussion papers will be posted for debate.
Learning Network
This section of the Prebisch website is devoted to promoting teaching activities
focused on the various topics relating to Latin American development
studies. The
purpose is to evoke debate and the sharing of ideas on the various contents.
|
G.
Palma - 2010
Why has productivity growth stagnated
in most Latin American countries
since the neo-liberal reforms?
|
The World Bank on Latin America &
Caribbean and Poverty
This page links to summaries of World Bank poverty analyses, including
poverty assessments, poverty notes, poverty updates, country economic
memorandums and development reports. The full text documents are also
provided when available. Poverty assessments have been key
instruments of the World Bank's poverty reduction strategy since 1992
|
From countercurrents.org
- 28 November 2008
Victory For Venezuela’s Socialists In Crucial
Elections
By James Petras
The pro-Chavez United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) won 72% of
the governorships in the November 23, 2008 elections and 58% of the
popular vote, dumbfounding the predictions of most of the
pro-capitalist pollsters and the vast majority of the mass media who
favored the opposition
The Media Response To Venezuelan Elections
By Stephen Lendman
The Wall Street Journal, New York Times and other publications falsely
reported that a majority of the population is under opposition control.
Official statistics show otherwise but were ignored
|
From Countercurrents.org - 29 September 2007
Defending The Cuban Revolution: With Love Or
Venom?
By James Petras
Defending the Cuban revolution demands unconditional defense against
imperialism and proposals to rectify its problems. These are acts of
love. Polemical invective and personal attacks against life-long
defenders of the revolution and revolutionary movements will further
isolate Cuba and opportunists like Gonzalez Casanova from reality and
the coming social transformations in Latin America and social changes
in Cuba
Cuba:
Continuing Revolution and Contemporary
Contradictions
James Petras and Robin Eastman-Abaya - July 2007
Introduction
The Cuban revolution with its socialist economy has demonstrated
tremendous resilience
in the face of enormous political obstacles and challenges. It
successfully defied a US
orchestrated invasion, naval blockade, hundreds of terrorists’ attacks
and half-century boycott.(1)
Cuba was able to withstand the fallout from the collapse of the USSR,
the Eastern European
collectivist regimes, China and Indo-China’s transit to capitalism and
to construct a new
development model.
As many scholars and political leaders – including adversaries – have
noted, Cuba has
developed a very advanced and functioning social welfare program: free,
universal, quality health
coverage and free education from kindergarten through advanced
university education.(2)
In foreign, as well as domestic, policy Cuba has successfully developed
economic and
diplomatic relations with the entire globe, despite US boycotts and
pressures. (3)
In questions of national and personal security, Cuba is a world leader.
Crime rates are
low and violent offenses are rare. Terrorist threats and acts, (most
emanating from the US and its
Cuban exile proxies), have declined and are less a danger to the Cuban
population than to the US
or Europe.
It is precisely the successes of the Cuban Revolution, its ability to
withstand external
threats, which would have brought down most governments, that now has
created a series of
major challenges, which require urgent attention if the revolution, as
we know it, is to advance in
the 21st century. These challenges are a result of past external
constraints as well as internal
political developments. Some problems were inevitable consequences of
emergency measures
but are now pressing for immediate and radical solutions.
More
articles here
|
E.
Rozenwurcel - 2006
Why have all development
strategies failed in Latin America?
After
the Great Depression and throughout the rest of the twentieth century,
Latin
American countries basically approached economic development following
two
successive and quite opposed strategies. The first one was import
substitution
industrialization. The second was the so-called Washington Consensus
approach. While
the two views were founded on quite opposite premises, neither the
import substitution
industrialization nor the Washington Consensus managed to deliver
sustained economic
development to Latin American countries. Two domestic elements are
crucial to
understand this outcome. One is the failure of the state. The second is
the inability to
achieve mature integration into the world economy. |
Vanderbilt University - 2006
The Latin American
Public Opinion Project
(LAPOP)
"LAPOP's research efforts to date
have produced more than 60 surveys analyzing major topics of
great interest to political and social scientists, Latin
Americanists, government officials, and interested citizens. LAPOP
surveys analyzing citizen views on system support, political
tolerance, citizen participation, local government, corruption,
and views on authoritarianism have been conducted and are now
being archived for: Bolivia, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican
Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico,
Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Venezuela as well as
for Madagascar, Israel and Albania. Complete
datasets available."
---------------- |
From The World Bank Group
31 August 2005
Infrastructure in Latin America &
the Caribbean: Recent Developments and Key Challenges
------------------------ |
From SciDev.Net - May 2004
Latin America: brain drain largest for Argentina
Andrés Solimano,
an economist at Cepal, told a meeting of the Foreign Knowledge Networks
for Employment and Development last month (27 April) that for every
thousand Argentineans who emigrate to the United States, 191 are
qualified professionals, scientists or technicians In Chile the number
drops to 156, in Peru to 100, and in Mexico to 26.
----------------------- |
8 December 2004
The South American
Community of Nations
The South American
Community of Nations (Spanish : Comunidad Sudamericana de Naciones,
Portuguese : Comunidade Sul-Americana de Nações) or SACN will be a
continent-wide free trade zone that will unite two existing free-trade
organizations — Mercosur and the Andean Community — eliminating...
--- |
NAFTA's promise and reality.
Lessons from Mexico for the Hemisphere
J. Audley, S.
Polaski, D.G. Papademetriou, and S. Vaughan
(November 2003)
What can Latin America learn from Mexico's attempt to use trade
liberalisation for ecomomic development?
Publisher:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace , 2003
The report has two objectives:
to determine how quality of life in Mexico has been affected by trade
liberalisation in North America. It focuses on the microlevel of people
and their communities, on changes in household income, paychecks, rural
employment and agricultural production. It explores the implications of
these for migration and environmental quality and asks about the role
of NAFTA in promoting these changes
to offer insights for other countries, especially in Latin America,
that wish to strengthen their economic ties within the region.
The report's conclusions include:
while jobs in manufacturing have increased, there is still a growing
problem of unemployment in Mexico
since joining NAFTA Mexico has seen an increase in the number of poor
migrants to the USA
NAFTA has not created the necessary conditions for public and private
sectors to respond to the economic, social and envronmental shocks of
trading with the USA and Canada.
The report's recommendations include:
there is a need for longer, more gradual tariff reduction schedules fo
agricultural products from rich countries to mitigate the problems of
dumping
developing countries should distribute gains from trade more equitably
trade agreements should promote the development of domestic suppliers.
Other chapters in this document include:
"Jobs, wages and household income", by S. Polaski
"Shifting expectations of free trade and migration", by D. Papademetriou
"The greenest trade agreement ever? Measuring the environmental impacts
of agricultural liberalisation", by S. Vaughan.
Introduction in English or Spanish
Chapter
1: Jobs, Wages, and Household Income
Chapter
2: The Shifting Expectations of Free Trade and Migration
Chapter
3: The Greenest Trade Agreement Ever? Measuring the Environmental
Impacts of Agricultural Liberalization |
Argentina
in crisis
Argentina: life after
bankruptcy (2002) |
July 28, 2004
Report on the evaluation
of the role of the IMF in Argentina, 1991-2001
|
ARGENTINA
In
the hands of the oligopoly of foreign capital. During the 1990s, economic policies were characterised by a
strengthening of the neo-liberal model, promoted by multilateral credit
institutions. Thus the public and financial services, following a
process of privatisations, were monopolised by an oligarchy of private
companies with foreign capital. Devaluation was mainly due to the
«Convertibility Law», which was supported until the bitter end by the
IMF and the «financial community». The massive capital flight during
2001 sealed Argentina’s fate. |
BOLIVIA
Water
and privatisation: doubtful benefits, concrete threats. The Bolivian experience of privatisation of
the companies that manage and distribute water is a good window on the
conflicts triggered by the privatisation of basic services. It also
shows the enormous difficulty – some say the impossibility – of making
the search for profit compatible with an equitable and sustainable
supply of basic services; that is, making privatisation benefit the
poor. TOM KRUSE - CECILIA RAMOS |
BRAZIL
The
implicit agenda of a conservative patrimonial reform. 1 Although it was argued that the proceeds
from privatisation would be invested in social reforms, from 1995 it
became clear that those revenues generated an important inflow of
international capital, to be used not for social investment, but rather
to finance trade deficits and debt service. The economic results of
privatisation were mixed, while in social terms they have been a
failure. LUIZ CARLOS DELORME PRADO - LEONARDO WELLER |
CHILE
The
brutal rationale of privatisation.
«Beyond euphemisms, privatisation of health, social security and
education operated by neo-liberals has imposed a brutal rationale:
depending on the amount of money you have, you will have so much health
care, quality of education for your children and pension upon
retirement. If you are privileged, you will have access to privileged
services. If you are poor, you will have to make do with what the
public system is able to give you.» ANA MARÍA ARTEAGA |
COLOMBIA
The
violation of social rights within market rationale. Privatisation of social services is being
imposed by the international funding institutions through severe and
never-ending structural adjustment programmes. In these programmes
pressure is put on the government to change social policies to make
social services profitable; thus health, education, social security and
access to water, energy, telecommunications and environmental
sanitation services can be operated by private agents, guaranteeing
them high profit margins. ALBERTO YEPES P. |
COSTA RICA
Selling
our grandparents’ inheritance.
Within the context of the economic crisis, the rapid loss of mechanisms
of social mobility and economic, political and cultural break down, a
real and symbolic rupture is occurring, under progressive and
unorthodox procedures, in various fields of the State’s monopolistic of
the provision of services, such as electricity, health care and
education. Attempts at privatising a public institution or a complete
sector have faced strong opposition among the people. ANA FELICIA
TORRES REDONDO - CARLOS PENTZKE PIERSON |
ECUADOR
Adjustments,
debt and privatisations: what will become of our rights?. The sale of state companies required by the
IMF, the scaling down of the State through mass dismissal of workers,
reduction in government spending, the elimination of subsidies to basic
services and fuel, cutbacks in wages and salaries, the protection of
international creditors through FEIREP and the intensification of the
extractive model of overexploiting resources—these are characteristics
of the public policy implemented by the national government, following
the guidelines of international bodies. SUSANA CHU YEP - JORGE ACOSTA
ARIAS - PATRICIO PAZMIÑO FREIRE |
EL SALVADOR
Privatisation:
a process with cracks. The
privatisation discourse promised to reduce the size of the State,
reduce the deficit, provide better services and supply the State with
immediate resources, which would be used to cancel the short-term debt
and be invested in infrastructure or social expenditure. However, even
the private sector has recognised that there has been a lack of
transparency in decision making. In fact, the implementation of
privatisation has involved many sacrifices, including privatisation of
banking and de-nationalisation of the public assets. JEANNETTE ALVARADO
- ROSARLIN HERNÁNDEZ - GLORIA GUZMÁN - MARIO ANTONIO PANIAGUA |
HONDURAS
The
invisible price women have to pay for privatisation. Within the framework of the free trade
treaties progress is being made in the process of public service
privatisation in Honduras. The disappearance of State responsibility
for maintaining public services has led to women having to double or
treble their workday to take on a greater workload at home, with more
hours of voluntary work in the communities and in activities generating
income, to the detriment of their health, quality of life and leisure.
ANA MARÍA FERRERA - SUYAPA MARTÍNEZ - FILADELFO MARTÍNEZ - MIRTA
KENNEDY - MARÍA ELENA MÉNDEZ |
MEXICO
Now
the responsibility lies with the individuals. Stabilisation and structural adjustment programmes adopted
following the foreign debt crisis in 1982 have included the total or
partial privatisation of many state companies and activities in various
sectors: industrial, financial, agriculture and stock-raising, mining,
infrastructure, communications, petro-chemical and even social
security. Along with cutbacks in social expenditure associated with
trends to privatise public and basic services, the «novelty» lies with
the transfer of State responsibility to private companies. ARELI
SANDOVAL TERÁN |
NICARAGUA
A
nation in the dark. Privatisation
has not resulted in any social benefit for the poorest people. The
energy and telephone companies have not only raised the already
«dollarised» price of services, but also increased requirements for
access to these services and decreased quality. In addition to being a
country of poor people, today Nicaragua is also a nation in the dark.
RUTH SELMA HERRERA M |
PANAMA
The
neo-liberal State: debt, inequality and poverty. The faithful compliance with the economic recipes imposed
by international financial bodies has been carried out through the
transformation of the State’s role. The result has been more expensive
services, weakened agricultural, livestock and industrial productive
sectors, the deterioration of living conditions, a widening inequality
gap and the acceleration of the debt spiral. CARLOS MARCELO CASTILLO |
PARAGUAY
Social
mobilisation against privatisation.
Privatisation in the 1990s was marked by state de-capitalisation, the
absence of benefits for the people, high rates and insufficient
coverage. In the year 2000 the promotion of privatising was reactivated
through promulgation of the Law for Privatisation of State Companies.
The attempt at privatising telecommunications within this legal
framework was carried out in a context of swindles and corruption.
Social mobilisation managed to have the law repealed, but it is feared
that the privatising agenda will be taken up once again. JUAN CARLOS
YUSTE - DIEGO BROM |
PERU
The
people halt privatisation. The
privatisation of electric energy services guaranteed the buyers that
they would obtain large profits on their operation at the expense of
the State and consumers. The State delivered captive consumer markets
and converted a public monopoly into private ones. This process has
nothing to do with a market economy, but rather with profitable
commercialism, which the present government has maintained under
pressure from the International Monetary Fund and other financial
bodies. HÉCTOR BÉJAR |
SURINAME
Shape
up or ship out!. Surinamese society
is moving towards privatisation and liberalisation among heated
debates. Bad quality and high costs of public services make consumers
demand the government to either shape up or ship out and give private
initiative the chance to do it better. On the other hand, there is fear
for the consequences to employment and the accessibility of quality
services for the poor, and benefits from concessions to multinationals
are questionable. MAGGIE SCHMEITZ |
URUGUAY
The
reform of the social sector: statism, inequality and privatisation by
default. The Uruguayan case shows
the benefits of state perseverance and public assets and the adverse
effects of privatisation by default. Although an attempt has been made
to attribute the crisis to this statist emphasis, the present collapse
of the economy and its social effects are basically the result of a
financial system that lacks adequate monitoring, a marked deterioration
of industry, a foreign exchange rate that damages the country’s
competitiveness, and the vision of a country regarded as a financial
and service market. FERNANDO FILGUEIRA |
VENEZUELA
The
social programme of the Bolivarian Republic. Going against the current of predominant trends, the 1999
Bolivarian Constitution consecrates rights of citizens to health and
medical care, as well as other social rights, while increasing state
responsibility. In the context of social development, the new Republic
promotes enhancing the standard of living through common and supportive
action, and encourages people to have a sense of inclusion and
belonging through political, economic and social participation. FRENTE
CONTINENTAL DE MUJERES |
D. Johnstone (1 May
2003):
What
about Guantanamo? About Cuba
---
S. Landau (2 May 2003):
The Cuba Conundrum
|
J. F. Wilson, 1993: Liberation Theology:
is there a future for it?
- Ben Witherington- 2007
The future of liberation theology
|
G. O'Donnell, 1996:
Poverty and inequality in Latin America, some
political reflections
The
paper begins with a brief overview of the present social situation of
Latin America, arguing
that during the 1980s the widespread poverty and deep social inequality
already existing in the
region further increased. After this the paper reviews several
strategies that could be used by
would-be reformers, pointing out the potentialities but also the
limitations of these strategies.
Consequently the present text examines the broad contours of political
coalitions that might be
able to deal reasonably effectively with poverty and inequality. The
paper concludes by arguing
that the only possible foundation for these strategies and coalitions
is a morally and democratically
inspired view of the respect due to the dignity of every human being.
The likelihood of such an
emergence is not assessed.
O. Sunkel, 1985: The transnational corporate system
---
T. Dos Santos: The Structure of
Dependence
---
F.H. Cardoso/E. Faletto: Capitalist
development and the State
---
F.H.Cardoso: Dependency and
Development in Latin America
---
M. A. Garretón, 1998:
Popular Mobilization and the Military Regime
in Chile: the complexities of the invisible transition
This
paper attempts an analysis of the popular mobilizations in Chile from
the perspective of the
problem of transition from a military regime to democracy. It begins
with some general reflections
on the role of social mobilizations under military regimes,
distinguishing among various regime
phases and types of mobilizations, and goes on to outline changing
state/societal relations in
Chile in the pre-1973 period to provide the historical context for an
extended discussion of
popular protest in Chile under the military regime. In this next
section the author describes the
mobilizations of the 1973-1983 decade and the cycle of protests and
strikes after 1983, and gives
an analysis of the principal sectors involved. The concluding section
presents some interpretative
hypotheses about the paradoxical role of mobilizations: their
fundamental importance in
reconstituting civil society and transforming dictatorial regimes, and
their limits with respect to
bringing about an end to dictatorship and the restoration of full
democracy.
|
Economic Commission for Latin
America and the Caribbean:
Cepal Review-------Papers
---
Structural Reforms Series
---
Research and studies
---
The political
context and the role of the State
---
Social Change in
Latin America in the Early 1970s
---
Statistical Yearbook
Preliminary Overview of the Economies of Latin America
and the Caribbean
Economic Survey of Latin America and the Caribbean
Foreign
Investment in Latin America and the Caribbean
Social
Panorama of Latin America
Latin America and the Caribbean in the World Economy
Preliminary
Overview of the Economy of Latin America and the Caribbean 1997
Despite
the instability in international financial markets in recent months and
the turbulence it has created in Latin American stock markets, in 1997
the region’s economies put out their best performance in a quarter of a
century, combining an average growth rate of 5.3% (compared to 3.2%
during the period 1991-1996) with an average rate of inflation of under
11%. Although the current account deficit has widened considerably,
from US$ 35 billion in 1996 to US$ 60 billion in 1997 (3% of GDP),
inflows of foreign capital will more than cover the gap; they are
expected to reach unprecedented levels, totalling at least $73 billion.
Of that amount, nearly two thirds will be in the form of direct
investment. The employment situation has improved slightly, although
the percentage of the population unemployed continues to be very high
in a number of countries. High unemployment rates are undermining
efforts to move ahead more rapidly in reducing the extent of poverty –a
serious problem in an otherwise generally positive scenario.
1998
Report on Foreign Investment in Latin America and the Caribbean
The United
States continues to be the principal foreign direct investor in Latin
America, though Europe has been closing the gap in the last two years.
The region is also receiving a growing proportion of worldwide US
foreign direct investment (FDI), especially of that going to developing
countries. Within Latin America, most such investment is now sent
directly to the final recipient countries, diminishing the role of
Caribbean financial centres and intermediaries.
Economic
Survey of Latin America and the Caribbean 1997-1998. Summary
Two types
of external shocks have affected the region --and much of the rest of
the world as well-- in the current biennium. The first has been
generated by the climatic phenomenon known as El Niño, which, by
warming ocean currents, has caused both severe floods and droughts in
different places. In a number of Latin American and Caribbean
countries, El Niño has disrupted agricultural production and fishing,
wreaked havoc in forestry and ranching activities and destroyed
infrastructure and housing stock. The results include depressed growth
rates, increased inflation and pressures on the balance of payments
owing to both lower exports and higher imports.
The other shock has been the financial crisis that began in Thailand in
June 1997 and thereafter expanded to include large devaluations,
recessions and inflation in many of the developing countries of East
and South-East Asia. The continuing stagnation of the Japanese economy
has only exacerbated the problems of its neighbours. As noted in an
earlier ECLAC study (ECLAC, "Impact of the Asian Crisis on Latin
America" (LC/G.2026), May 1998), the repercussions of the Asian crisis
have been transmitted to Latin America through three channels: trade (a
decline in the volume of exports to Asia, lower commodity prices,
competition from cheap Asian exports, negative spillovers from
intraregional effects in Latin America itself); finance (speculative
attacks on exchange rates, weakening stock markets, scarce and/or more
expensive foreign capital); and policy responses (tighter fiscal and
monetary policies).
J. A.
Ocampo (1998):
Income distribution, poverty and
social expenditure in Latin America
Great
social inequality has long been a frustrating feature of Latin American
economic development. Not in vain has Latin America been described as
the region of the world with the highest levels of inequality of income
distribution. Although the prevailing levels of poverty are lower than
those typical of other parts of the developing world, they are still
extremely high and, taking the region as a whole, are higher now than
they were before the debt crisis. These are the conditions now
confronting the new elements which have changed the economic and social
dynamics of the region. Special mention may be made of four of these
elements: the structural reforms embarked upon in all the countries,
the accompanying process of globalization, the resumption of economic
growth, and the new reforms initiated in the area of social expenditure
and social services as part of the "second generation" reforms. This
article puts forward some hypotheses about the effects of these new
events on poverty and inequality and analyzes their implications for
social policy.
On industrialization in Latin America
ECLAC books:
July/2002 |
The sustainability of development in Latin America and
the Caribbean: challenges and opportunities |
March/2002 |
Growth
with stability. Financing for development in the new international
context (updated version)
Cover, index, foreword
and summary
Chapter 1 Financing for
development in the 1990s
Chapter 2 Promoting
stability of capital flows for development financing
Chapter 3 Trade linkages
and access to the international capital market
Chapter 4 Mobilizing
domestic resources to provide financing for development
Bibliography and Annex
|
May/2001 |
Economic reforms, growth and employment. Labour
markets in Latin America and the Caribbean |
May/2001 |
The
income distribution problem in Latin America and the Caribbean
FOREWORD
PREFACE
Chapter I
INTRODUCTION
A. Latin America: The Highest Inequality in the World
B. A Closer Look at Region-wide Data for Latin
America and the Caribbean
C. Inequality within Latin America and the Caribbean
D. Trends in Inequality Over Time within Latin
America and the Caribbean
Chapter II
DETERMINANTS OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF INCOME
A. A Schematic Model of the Distribution Process
B. The Impact of Growth on the Distribution of Income
C. The Adoption of Reforms
D. The Impact of the Structural Reforms
Chapter III
WHY IS THE DISTRIBUTION OF INCOME IN
LATIN AMERICA SO UNEQUAL?
A. Education
B. Physical Capital
C. The Distribution of Land and Unskilled Labour
D. The Contribution of Inequality at the Top of the Distribution
Chapter IV
THE EFFECT OF REFORM AND GROWTH ON
DISTRIBUTION OF FAMILY INCOME
A. The Model for the Level of Distribution
B. The Effect of Growth on the Distribution:
An Application of the Estimated Kuznets Curve
C. Subindexes of Reform
D. Results for the Model of Changes in Inequality
E. Conclusions
Chapter V
EVIDENCE FROM COUNTRY CASE STUDIES
A. Historical Evidence on Factor Prices and Relative
Factor Supplies
B. Factor Shares and the Rate of Return to Capital
C. The Link between Labour Market Performance
and Inequality
D. Patterns of Sectoral Growth in the 1970s and 1990s
E. What Explains the Big Increases in Inequality
in Chile, Argentina and Mexico?
Chapter VI
THE COMPONENTS OF INCOME INEQUALITY
A. Decompositions of Inequality
B. The Effect of Changes in Education and Skill Differentials
C. Conclusions
Chapter VII
THE RICH AND THE POOR IN THE POST-REFORM PERIOD
A. A Profile of the Rich
B. Contribution of the Rich to Total Inequality
C. The Role of University Graduates in Explaining Inequality
D. The Poor
E. Reforms and Poverty Reduction
Chapter VIII
CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS
A. Why is Inequality So High in Latin America and
the Caribbean?
B. Inertia in the Distribution
C. The Impact of the Reforms
D. Policies that Can Help
BIBLIOGRAPHY
APPENDIX
|
May/2001 |
Structural reforms, productivity and technological
change in Latin America |
May/2001 |
Investment and Economic Reform in Latin America
|
July/2001 |
Equity,
development and citizenship - Abridged version
Contents
Chapter I. The context for
development policies today
Chapter II. The legacy of the
1990s
Chapter III. A development agenda
for the twenty-first century
Bibliography
The twenty-eighth
session of ECLAC took place in Mexico City in April 2000 and thus was
held at the start of both a new decade and a new century. This occasion
prompted the secretariat to prepare Equity, Development and
Citizenship, which provides a comprehensive view of the institution's
thinking concerning the development challenges facing the region in the
world of today. The present publication is an abridged version of that
report.*
This abridged
volume is composed of three chapters. The first presents an overview of
global trends together with the associated challenges in the areas of
human rights and equity and a discussion of the integral nature of
development. The second provides an overview of economic, social and
environmental conditions in the region during the 1990s. The third sets
forth an agenda for the region at the outset of the twenty-first
century. It discusses, first, the principles of social policy and
policies in the areas of poverty reduction, education, employment,
social security and social spending. The accompanying economic
development agenda encompasses macroeconomic growth and stability,
dynamic productive development, the regulation of public utilities and
the consolidation of sustainable development. The chapter concludes
with some reflections on social cohesion and citizenship.
JOSÉ ANTONIO
OCAMPO EXECUTIVE SECRETARY ECONOMIC COMMISSION FOR LATIN AMERICA AND
THE CARIBBEAN
* A fully
revised Spanish version has been published as ECLAC, Equidad,
desarrollo y ciudadanía (LC/G.2071/Rev.1-P), Santiago, Chile, 2000.
United Nations publication, Sales No. S.00.II.G.81; Equidad, desarrollo
y ciudadanía, second edition, Bogotá, D.C., Economic Commission for
Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC)/Alfaomega, 2000; an English
version has been published as Equity, Development and Citizenship
(LC/G.2071(SES.28/3)), Santiago, Chile, 2000
|
Mayo/2000 |
Financial globalization and the emerging economies
|
April/1998 |
The Fiscal Covenant. Strengths, Weaknesses, Challenges
(Summary) |
December/1997 |
The Equity Gap: Latin America, the Caribbean and the
Social Summit |
July/1996 |
The economic experience of the last fifteen years.
Latin America and the Caribbean, 1980-1995 |
July/1996 |
Strengthening development. The interplay of macro- and
microeconomics |
April/1994 |
Latin America and the Caribbean: policies to improve
linkages with global economy |
September/1994 |
Open regionalism in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Economic integration as a contribution to changing productions patterns
with social equity |
September/1993 |
Population, social equity and changing production
patterns |
August/1992 |
Education and knowledge: basic pillars of changing
production patterns with social equity |
August/1992 |
Social equity and changing production patterns: an
integrated approach |
May/1991 |
Sustainable development: changing production patterns,
social equity and the environment |
March/1990 |
Changing production patterns with social equity
|
|
LANIC
University of Texas -Austin
---
Academic
Research Resources
ARL - Latin Americanist Research Resources Pilot
Project
---
Cuba in Transition-Association for the Study of
the Cuban Economy (ASCE)
---
Internet Resources for Latin America "The
Guide",M. Molloy, V. 4.0
---
Search Internet Resources for Latin America
---
Latin American Jewish Studies Association LAJSA
---
Latin American Studies Association: LASA95 Papers
---
Latin
American Economic System SELA
---
SME
Forum/Foro PYME Joint IDB-LANIC Site
---
Southern Labor Studies Conference: Abstracts
---
Texas Papers on Latin America
UT-ILAS Working Papers
---
Arts & Culture
---
Latin American Collection of the Jack S. Blanton
Museum of Art
---
The Brazil Center of ILAS
The Brazil Center
---
Calendar of Brazilianist Activities at UT-Austin
---
Social Policy in Brazil Center for the Study
of Western Hemispheric Trade
---
Trade
Center Home Page
---
International Trade Information System IT-IS
---
Data Bases
---
Castro Speech Data Base
---
ENLACE - Electronic Network for Latin American Careers
and Employment
---
Granma Archives Index
---
USAID: Latin America and the Caribbean Economic
& Social Data
1994 Data Base
---
1996 Data Base
---
Latin American Information Base (LAIB) PC binary
files
---
The AMDH's Boletin Especial Chiapas in English and Spanish
---
Latin American Studies Network LASNET
---
New Federalism, State and Local Government in Mexico
October 1996
---
Mexico City's Water Supply
---
Sustainable Development Reporting Project John
Burnett |
The
EU's relations with Latin America
---
Latin America: the European Commission adopts a
strategy for regional cooperation 2002-2006 |
Latin America and
the Caribbean in the next Millenium
---
Latin America
in the International Financial Crisis
---
Options in
light of the Crisis
---
L.Brooks: Army
Unit investigated in Colombia. Death Squads
---
Joseph Kennedy on
The School of the Americas
---
R.Rojas: U.S.
imperialism in Latin America
---
R.Rojas: Notes
on the doctrine of national security
---
R.Rojas: Latin
America: a failed industrial revolution
---
R.Rojas: Latin America: the making
of a fractured society
---
R.Rojas: Latin America: a dependent
mode of production
---
R.Rojas: Latin America: on the
effects of colonization
---
R.Rojas: Theoretical
notes about colonization
---
R.Rojas: Latin
America: structural changes in the economy. 1950-70
---
R.Rojas: 15
years of monetarism in Latin America: time to scream
---
R.Rojas: Notes
on development and dependency
---
R.Rojas: Notes
on ECLAC's structuralism and dependency theory
---
L. Andersen, 2000: Social
mobility in Latin America
---
In defence of Marxism: Latin
America
---
EUFORIC: European Union cooperation with Africa, Asia and Latin
America
---
R.A.Pastor: U.S.
foreign policy: the Caribbean Basin
---
E. Galeano: Latin
America and the Theory of Imperialism
---
Latin American Economic System
---
NAFTA:
North America Free Trade Association
----
FTIS: Foreign Trade
Information System
SICE
- the Organization of American State's Foreign Trade Information System
- centralizes information on trade policy in the Americas. On the SICE
Website, you will find the full texts of trade agreements in force for
OAS Member States, new and ongoing trade policy developments,
information on national trade-related legislation, links to
international, regional and national sources of trade policy
information and more! SICE, with more than ten years online, strives to
provide OAS member states and other users up-to-date and relevant
information.
Latin World
|
|
From
The World Bank:
Latin America: Securing our
future in a global economy. 2000
In the
1990s Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) began to resurface from the
lost decade of the 1980s after a sustained reform effort by the
countries to enhance the role of market forces and increase the
region's real and financial integration into the global economy. In
spite of this, perceptions of economic insecurity run high in the
region. This report assesses the extent, causes, and effects of
economic insecurity in LAC and identifies policies and institutions
that can help reduce the degree of insecurity faced by workers and
households in the region, while allowing them to take advantage of the
enhanced economic opportunities brought about by the recent reforms.
After stating the facts concerning economic insecurity in Chapter 2,
the report then sets out a general analytical framework to help
organize the various options available to individuals and governments
for dealing with economic insecurity (Chapter 3). With this framework,
the remaining chapters focus on measures to deal with risks. First,
they suggest the causes of macroeconomic or aggregate volatility and
some remedies (Chapter 4). Then this report examines how these risks
affect individuals and households, and their responses to economic
shocks (Chapter 5). Next the report discusses the risk of becoming
unemployed, and the public responses to help workers deal with this
risk (Chapter 6). Appropriate social insurance and social protection is
considered in the final chapter.
Background papers:
- Economic Insecurity, Individual
Behavior and Social Policy,
by Indermit Gill and Nadeem Ilahi.
- Income support systems for the
unemployed: issues and options, by Milan Vodopivec and Dhushyanth Raju
- Developing Countries:
Comparative Analysis using Time Markov Processes ,
by
Mariano Bosch Mossi and William F. Maloney
- The
Impact of Firing Costs on Turnover and Unemployment: Evidence from the
Colombian Labor Market,
by Adriana Kugler
- Mandatory
Severance Pay in Peru: An
Assessment of its Coverage and Effects Using Panel Data, by Donna MacIsaac and Martin Rama
- Can
Public Work Programs Protect the Vulnerable During Economic Downturns?
Evidence from Argentina,
by Martin Ravallion
- Unemployment
Insurance in Brazil:
Unemployment Duration, Wages, and Sectoral Choice, by Wendy Cunningham
- Training
for the Urban Unemployed: A Reevaluation of Mexico's Probecat, by Quentin Wodon and Mari Minowa
- Weathering
Storms: Households, Governments, and Aggregate Income Shocks in Latin
America, by Francisco
Ferreira and Indermit Gill
- Are
Governments Pro-poor? A Test Based on Targeted & Social Spending
During Booms and Busts,
by Quentin Wodon, Norman Hicks et.al.
- Political
and Economic Determinants of Government Spending on Social Protection
Programs, by James
Snyder and Irene Yackovlev
- The
Quality of Social Services: The Case of Chile, by Alejandra Mizala and Pilar Romaguera
- The
Evolution of Health Insurance Institutions: Theory and Four Examples
from Latin America, by
William Jack
- Household
Responses to Labor Market Shocks in Brazil: 1982-1999, by Marcelo Neri and Mark Thomas
- Measuring
Vulnerability: Who Suffered in the 1995 Mexican Crisis?, by
Wendy Cunningham and William Maloney
- Managing
Economic Insecurity in Rural El Salvador, by
Jonathan Conning, Pedro Olinto, et.al.
---
W. B.: Clasification of
economies by income, 1997-1998
---
The
World Bank: regions
|
|
Latin American Economies (1997):
Total gross
domestic product
Per capita gross
domestic product
Consumer price
index
Urban
unemployment
Average real
wages
Public-sector
deficit (-) or surplus at current prices
Index of the
real effective exchange rate for imports
Exports of
goods, FOB
Imports of
goods, FOB
Terms of trade
(goods), FOB/FOB
Balance of
payments (1)
Balance of
payments (concluded)
Net foreign
direct investment
International
bond issues
Stock exchange
price index, in dollars
Total disbursed
external debt
Net resource
transfers
Ratio of total
accrued interest to exports of goods and services
Ratio of profits
paid to exports of goods and services
------
Economic Survey of Latin America and the Caribbean
1997-1998
Figures
Latin America and
the Caribbean: overall effects of the Asian crisis
Latin America and
the Caribbean: changes in real value of local currencies Latin America
and the Caribbean: changes in nominal interest rates
Latin America and
the Caribbean: gross domestic product
Latin America and
the Caribbean: consumer prices
Latin America and
the Caribbean: employment rates
Latin America and
the Caribbean: urban unemployment
Latin America and
the Caribbean: current account balance Latin America and the Caribbean: exports to Asia
Latin America and
the Caribbean: stock market quotations
Latin America and
the Caribbean: international bond issues
Latin America and
the Caribbean: savings and investment ratios
------
Economic Survey of Latin America and the
Caribbean 1997-1998. Statistical Appendix
Latin America and
the Caribbean: main economic indicators
Latin America
and the Caribbean: gross domestic product
Latin America
and the Caribbean: per capita gross domestic product
Latin America
and the Caribbean: financing of gross capital formation
Latin America
and the Caribbean: gross fixed investment
Latin America
and the Caribbean: urban unemployment
Latin America and the Caribbean: consumer prices
Latin America and the Caribbean: non-financial public sector balance
Latin America and the Caribbean: exports and imports of goods
Latin
America and the Caribbean: exports of goods
Latin America and the Caribbean: imports of goods
Latin America and the Caribbean: terms of trade
Latin
America and the Caribbean: balance of payments
|
|
J. M. Villasuso: Economic
Encounters |
Journal of The Latinamerican Economic System SELA
Revista Capítulos
El
primer número de esta importante publicación salió en agosto de 1983,
finalizando su publicación con el número 65 de enero-junio de 2003. Con
el número 45 (enero-marzo, 1996) se inició, paralela a la impresa, la
versión digital. En sus comienzos Capítulos fue “concebida como un
aporte para una mejor comprensión de los procesos económicos que
involucran la participación del foro regional, a partir de un ejercicio
ordenado que tienda a motivar a los lectores hacia un conocimiento cada
vez más sistemático de las cuestiones coyunturales y estratégica de la
economía latinoamericana”. A lo largo de su existencia, Capítulos se
convirtió en un foro en el que convergieron los más altos exponentes
del pensamiento latinoamericano referido a los procesos de integración,
cooperación y desarrollo en América latina y el Caribe.
Capitulos Nº 67
Democratic Governance and Human Development in LAC
January-June 2003
Capitulos Nº 66
Trade and Development
September-December 2002
Capitulos
Nº 65
International Migrations
in Latin America and the Caribbean
May-August 2002
Capitulos Nº 64
The New Paradigms
of International Cooperation
January - April 2002
Capitulos Nº 63
WTO and FTAA:
Priorities on the LAC Trade Agenda
September - December 2001
Capitulos Nº 62
The FTAA: Opportunities and Risks
May - August 2001
Capitulos Nº 61
Integration Now or Never
January - April 2001
Capítulos
Nº 60.
"Twenty-five Years of SELA: An Assessment"
September - December 2000
Capítulos
Nº 59.
"Finance, Investment and Growth"
May - August 2000
Capítulos
Nº 58.
"From the Ghost of Seattle to the Spirit of Bangkok"
January - April 2000
Capítulos
Nº 57.
"Options in Light of the Crisis"
September - December 1999
Capítulos
Nº 56.
"Latin America in the International Financial Crisis"
May - August 1999
Capítulos
Nº 55.
"Latin America and the Caribbean in the Next Millennium"
January - April 1999
Capítulos
Nº 54.
"The Impact of
the Euro on
Latin America"
July - September 1998
Capítulos
Nº 53.
"Globalization and the External Relations of Latin America and the
Caribbean"
January - June 1998
Capítulos Nº 52.
"Growth and Employment"
Octubre - Diciembre 1997
Capítulos
Nº 51.
"Strategic Industrial Policies Changes"
July - September 1997
Capítulos
Nº 50.
"Trade in the Economies of Latin America and the Caribbean"
April - June 1997
Capítulos
Nº 49.
"Trends in Latin American and Caribbean Integration"
Enero - Marzo 1997
Capítulos - Special Edition 1996.
"Globalization, trade and integration"
January - December 1996 |
Chronological
index of CEPAL Review articles
1990-2006
|
From ECLAC - November 2008
Opportunities
for Trade and Investment between Latin America and Asia - Pacific. The
link with APEC
Prepared with the cooperation of the International Trade and Tourism
Ministry of Peru. Reference material for government ministers and Heads
of State attending the APEC Summit in Lima.
Latin
America and the Caribbean in the World Economy, 2007. Trends 2008
ECLAC institutional periodical report. Provides a regional overview of
trends in trade and the factors that determine them.
Economic
and Trade Relations between Latin America and Asia-Pacific. The Link
with China
Provides updated information on the internationalization process in
both regions in order to stimulate biregional trade and investment.
The
Latin American Pacific Basin Initiative and the Asia-Pacific region
A contribution to the fourth Forum of Ministers of the Latin American
Pacific Basin Initiative. It provides a broad view of the economic and
trade links between Asian and Latin American countries.
Millennium
Development Goals. Progress towards the right to health in Latin
America and the Caribbean
Interagency report, coordinated by ECLAC. Presents a review of progress
towards the health-related Millennium Development Goals (MDG).
Economic
Survey of Latin America and the Caribbean 2007-2008
ECLAC institutional periodical report. Presents determinants of
economic evolution in the region during 2007 and the first semester of
2008.
|
From Foreign
Policy In Focus
Cleaving a false divide in
Latin America
By Juan
Antonio Montecino | September 28, 2006
As Latin America shifts further left on the political spectrum, U.S.
pundits are frantically struggling to artificially partition the
continent’s leftist leaders between so-called populist demagogues and
sound pragmatists.
While most analysts wrongly see a Latin America torn between
Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez and Chile’s Michelle Bachelet—between
ideological and pragmatic governance—the new wave of leftist leaders
all blame the last 20 years of neo-liberal “reforms” for the
continent’s present ills and agree on the need for new and alternative
development models. What is surprising is that for all the praise of
pragmatic thinking present in the debate, this dichotomy is itself
ideological to the core.
----------------------- |
From ECLAC:
Gender Statistics
Governments,
researchers, and people interested in knowing about the situation of
women and men in Latin America and The Caribbean will find on this site
all the information available for each country, disaggregated by sex,
and a compared overview of the whole region.
Country profiles - Regional indicators - Millennium Summit indicators -
Beijing indicators - Inventory of gender indicators - Related
information
-------------------
ECLAC - 2005
Latin America and the
Caribbean 10 years after the social summit: a regional overview
J. L. Machinea
---
ECLAC - 2004
Latin America and the
Caribbean: integration and strategies for social cohesion
J. L. Machinea
---
ECLAC - 2005
Foreign Investment in Latin
America and the Caribbean, 2004
--------------------
|
M. Benjamin, 18 August 2004
Why Hugo Chávez won a
landslide victory
Go to the barrios
of Caracas, and it becomes obvious why the recall effort against Hugo
Chavez failed: providing people with free health care, education, small
business loans and job training is a good way to win the hearts and
minds of the people. |
The Economist, 12 August 2004:
The Latinobarómetro
poll
Democracy's low-level
equilibrium
Latin Americans
believe their democracies benefit a privileged few, not the many-but
they don't want a return to dictatorship |
Latin American Centre for Development
Administration (1998)
A New Public Management
for Latin America |
United Nations Development Program (2004)
Democracy in Latin
America
Towards a citizen's
democracy |
ZNet: Latin America Watch |
Interamerican Development Bank |
School of the Americas Watch
---
Center for Latin American Capital Markets Research
---
Latin
American and Caribbean Center (LACC)
---
Handbook
of Latin American Studies Online (U.S. govt.)
---
O. Altimir: Growth, Human Development in Latin American
countries-Long-term Trends, 1996
---
Decent work and protection for all. Priority of the
Americas. ILO. 1999
---
AMARC
(World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters)
---
Tom Blanton (2000):The CIA in Latin America |
|
The Helen Kellogg
Institute Working Papers
Copyright © 2006 Kellogg
Institute for International Studies
University of Notre Dame
130 Hesburgh Center Phone: 574.631.6580 Fax:
574.631.6717
¿Crisis en el Sindicalismo en América Latina?
Francisco Zapata
Working Paper #302 - January 2003
Abstract
Economic adjustment policies, trade liberalization, privatization of
State enterprise and transformation of labor markets and labor market
institutions relate to a process of transition between a model of
import substitution industrialization and a “new economic model”
characterized by the transnationalization of Latin American internal
markets. All these elements contribute to change the premises of the
organization of unions and to weaken their role in the negotiation of
salaries and working conditions, their intervention in the regulation
of employment and their participation in the administration of social
security and health benefits. On the basis of the cases of Brazil,
Chile and Mexico, the presentation will provide a context in which to
pose the question of the crisis of Latin American labor and examine
some of the alternatives that are available for trade unions in the new
economic conditions.
When Capital Cities Move: The Political Geography of
Nation and State Building
Edward Schatz
Working Paper #303 - February 2003
Abstract
Capital relocation (i.e., the physical move of the central state
apparatus from one location to another) is an unusual tool for nation
and state building. Yet, it is used more frequently than we might
expect. Thus, when Kazakhstan shifted its capital city in 1997 from
Almaty to Astana the move was unique in that post-Soviet region, but
not as uncommon in other post-colonial cases. This paper examines the
move of the capital in Kazakhstan suggests that this move was designed
to address particularly acute nation-and state-building challenges. If
the Kazakhstan experience seems strange in de-Sovietization, this tells
us much about the different nature of post-Soviet space versus other
post-colonial contexts. The relative in frequency of capital moves
implies that the challenges of nation and state building in the
ex-USSR—as daunting as they have proved to be—are generally not as
acute as in those of other post-colonial contexts.
Policy Making Under Divided Government in Mexico
Benito Nacif
Working Paper #305 - March 2003
Abstract
Without a majority in the Congress, the president’s party looses the
ability to direct policy change. With only one-third of the vote, the
president’s party can prevent any initiative from turning into law.
Individual opposition parties gain influence under divided government
but lack the power to veto policy change. Contrary to what critics of
Presidentialism have argued, political parties in presidential regimes
do not lack in incentives to cooperate and build policymaking
coalitions. Coalition building depends on the potential gains of
cooperation that both the president’s party and the opposition parties
can capture if they modify the status quo. Two sufficient conditions
for coalition building can be identified: an extreme position of the
status quo, and the location of the president’s party at the median
position. This explains law change and the size of lawmaking coalitions
under divided government in Mexico.
La Posguerra Colombiana: Divagaciones Sobre la
Venganza, La Justicia y la Reconciliación
Iván Orozco
Working Paper #306 - May 2003
Abstract
This essay explores the relationships between vengeance, justice and
reconciliation in contexts of war and transitions towards democracy,
with a special emphasis and interest on the Colombian situation. It
aims at easing, at least partly, the tensions facing peace makers and
human rights activists who deal with the issue of “impunity” for
atrocious crimes perpetrated by the state and other political
organizations. It does so by distinguishing between vertical and
horizontal processes of victimization and by distributing functions
between peace makers and human rights activists in accord with this
distinction. Based upon the premise that transitional Justice always
entails a compromise between punishment, truth and reconciliation, the
paper argues for a certain priority of punishment in contexts of
vertical victimization and for a partial precedence of reconciliation
in contexts of horizontal victimization. The notion of “gray areas”
where the distinction between victims and perpetrators, best
represented by certain kinds of “collaborators” and, “avengers”
collapses, lies at the heart of the logics of forgiveness and
reconciliation. After characterizing the Colombian conflict as a case
of horizontal victimization—i.e., symmetric barbarism—the paper
proposes a model of transitional justice for Colombia built on the
primacy of truth and forgiveness for the inhabitants of gray zones and
punishment for the engineers and managers of barbarism.
Informal Institutions and Comparative Politics: A
Research Agenda
Gretchen Helmke and Steven
Levitsky
Working Paper #307 - September 2003
Abstract
During the 1990s, comparative research on political institutions
focused primarily on formal rules. Yet recent studies suggest that an
exclusive focus on formal rules is often insufficient, and that
informal institutions, ranging from bureaucratic and legislative norms
to clientelism and patrimonialism, often have a profound - and
systematic - effect on political outcomes. Neglecting these informal
institutions thus risks missing many of the “real” incentives and
constraints that underlie political behavior. This article seeks to
move informal institutions from the margins to the mainstream of
comparative politics research. It develops an initial framework for
studying informal institutions and, importantly, integrating them into
comparative institutional analysis. In the conceptual realm, the
article attempts to clarify what is meant by “informal institution” and
then develops a typology of four patterns of formal-informal
institutional interaction: complementary, accommodating, competing, and
substitutive. In the theoretical realm, the article examines two issues
that have been largely unexplored in the literature on informal
institutions: the question of why and how informal institutions emerge,
and the sources of informal institutions stability and change. A final
section explores some of the practical challenges inherent in research
on informal institutions, including issues of identification,
measurement, and comparison
Political Disaffection and Democratization History in
New Democracies
Mariano Torcal
Working Paper #308
Abstract
This paper focuses on the analysis of political disaffection. After
discussing and defining this notion, the article shows that
disaffection affects more widely, though not exclusively, third-wave
democracies. The close link between levels of disaffection and the
history of democratization in each country explains its higher
incidence among new democracies. For this very reason, political
disaffection could also run high among more established democracies.
However, regardless of its incidence in each particular country,
political disaffection reveals a distinctive nature in new democracies
because of the absence of a democratic past in many of these cases.
Thus, disaffection constitutes a key element to explain the lower
propensity of citizens of new democracies to participate in every
dimension of political activity.
Unemployment, Macroeconomic Policy and Labor Market
Flexibility: Argentina and Mexico in the 1990s
Roberto Frenkel and Jaime Ros
Working Paper #309 - February 2004
Abstract
This paper compares the divergent unemployment experiences in Argentina
and Mexico in the 1990s, examining in detail the remarkable contrasts
in the adjustment of the labor market in these two countries that occur
despite equally striking similarities in the evolution of a number of
macroeconomic variables and external economic shocks. The paper focuses
on the role of macroeconomic policies and the type of industrial
restructuring in these developments and considers to what extent the
divergent unemployment experiences can be explained by differences in
the institutional characteristics of the labor market.
The Violence of "Religion": Examining a Prevalent Myth
William T. Cavanaugh
Working Paper #310 - March 2004
Abstract
This essay examines arguments that religion is prone to violence and
finds them incoherent. They are incoherent because they can find no way
consistently to differentiate the religious from the secular. After
exposing the arbitrariness of the arguments, the essay goes on to
examine why such arguments are so common. The hypothesis put forward is
that such arguments are so prevalent because, while they delegitimate
certain kinds of violence, they legitimate other kinds of violence,
namely, violence done in the name of secular, Western states and
ideals. Such arguments sanction a putative dichotomy between
non-Western, especially Muslim, forms of culture on the one hand, which
- having not yet learned to privatize matters of faith - are
absolutist, divisive, irrational, and Western culture on the other,
which is supposedly modest in its claims to truth, unitive, and
rational. In short, their violence is fanatical and uncontrolled; our
violence is controlled, reasonable, and often regrettably necessary to
contain their violence.
On the Role of Distance for Outward Foreign Direct
Investment
Peter Egger
Working Paper #311 - June 2004
Abstract
This paper focuses on the estimation of three distance-related effects
on outward foreign direct investment (FDI). (i) Distance harms vertical
multinationals, since they engage in trade. (ii) It makes non-trading
multinationals better off than exporters. (iii) This positive effect on
horizontal FDI is expected to rise with bilateral country size due to
the home market effect. The use of panel data and related econometric
methods is highly recommended to avoid parameter bias from endogenous,
unobserved, time-invariant effects. A unified estimation approach to
assess all three hypotheses then has to rely on instrumental variable
techniques for generalized leastsquares methods. In the empirical
analysis of 1989–1999 bilateral US outward FDI stocks at the industry
level, it is shown that testing and accounting for autocorrelation is
extremely important for parameter inference. In sum, the paper lends
strong support to the theory of horizontally organized multinationals
as outlined in Markusen and Venables (2000).
Does Lootable Wealth Breed Disorder? A Political
Economy of Extraction Framework
Richard Snyder
Working Paper #312 - July 2004
Abstract
This article proposes a political economy of extraction framework that
accounts for political order and state collapse as alternative outcomes
in the face of lootable wealth. Different types of institutions of
extraction can be built around lootable resources--with divergent
effects on political stability. If rulers are able to forge
institutions of extraction that give them control over the revenues
generated by lootable resources, then these resources can contribute to
the maintenance of political order by providing the income with which
to govern. In contrast, the breakdown or absence of such institutions
increases the risk of civil war by making it easier for rebels to get
income. The framework is used to explain two puzzling cases that
experienced sharply contrasting political trajectories in the face of
lootable resources: Sierra Leone and Burma. A focus on institutions of
extraction provides a stronger understanding of the wide range of
political possibilities--from chaos, through dictatorship, to
democracy--in resource-rich countries.
Myths of the Enemy: Castro, Cuba and Herbert L.
Matthews of The New York Times
Anthony DePalma
Working Paper #313 - July 2004
Abstract
Fidel Castro was given up for dead, and his would-be revolution written
off, in the months after his disastrous invasion of the Cuban coast in
late 1956. Then a New York Times editorial writer named Herbert L.
Matthews published one of the great scoops of the 20th century,
reporting that not only was Castro alive, but that he was backed by a
large and powerful army that was waging a successful guerrilla war
against dictator Fulgencio Batista. Matthews, clearly taken by the
young rebel’s charms, and sympathetic to his cause, presented a skewed
picture. He called Castro a defender of the Cuban constitution, a lover
of democracy, and a friend of the American people: the truth as he saw
it. The image created by Matthews stuck, helping Castro consolidate his
power and gain international recognition. US attitudes toward the
conflict in Cuba changed, dooming Batista. But after the triumph of the
revolution, US views again abruptly shifted and Matthews was blamed for
having helped bring Castro to power. The perception that Washington had
been hoodwinked by Matthews and State Department officials sympathetic
to Castro led to the development of the hard line which still guides
US– Cuban relations.
A Sequential Theory of Decentralization and its
Effects on the Intergovernmental Balance of Power: Latin American Cases
in Comparative Perspective
Tulia G. Falleti
Working Paper #314 - July 2004
Abstract
Both advocates and critics of decentralization assume that
decentralization invariably increases the power of subnational
governments. However, a closer examination of the consequences of
decentralization across countries reveals that the magnitude of such
change can range from substantial to insignificant. To explain this
variation, I propose a sequential theory of decentralization that has
three main characteristics: a) it defines decentralization as a
process; b) it takes into account the territorial interests of
bargaining actors; and c) it incorporates policy feedback effects in
the analysis of bargaining situations. I argue that the sequencing of
different types of decentralization (fiscal, administrative, and
political) is a key determinant of the evolution of intergovernmental
balance of power. I measure this evolution in the four largest Latin
American countries and apply the theory to the two extreme cases:
Colombia and Argentina. I show that, contrary to commonly held opinion,
decentralization in Argentina did not increase the power of governors
and mayors relative to the president. In contrast, in Colombia, a
different sequence of decentralization reforms led to higher degrees of
autonomy of the governors and mayors relative to the president.
Tax Effort and Tax Potential of State Governments in
Mexico: A Representative Tax System
Horacio Sobarzo
Working Paper #315 - October 2004
Abstract
Over the last two decades, Mexico has modified its intergovernmental
fiscal structure from a very centralized system to a distorted scenario
where state governments have gained substantial expenditure functions
and most of the taxation responsibilities have remained in the federal
government. It is argued that to move towards a more fiscally
responsible scenario, some decentralization on the taxation side is
needed. In this context, by constructing a representative tax system
(RTS), this paper evaluates tax effort and tax potential in Mexico. The
results are a useful input for policy decision making, not only in the
event of future tax decentralization attempts but also in designing a
new transfer scheme. The results are also the first RTS constructed for
the Mexican case, and show that regional data in Mexico is gradually
improving. Also, while the results shed some light as to which taxes
could potentially be decentralized, the article warns about the fact
that regional disparities in the country may well be a limitation on
the extent to which taxes can be decentralized.
Rational Learning and Bounded Learning in the
Diffusion of Policy Innovations
Covadonga Meseguer
Working Paper #316 - January 2005
Abstract
In political science, rational learning and bounded learning are
commonly studied as two opposing theories of policy choice. In this
paper, I use a rational-learning approach to reach conclusions about
bounded learning, showing that the two theories are not necessarily
incompatible. By examining a rational-learning model and the decisions
of a set of developing countries to open up their trade regimes, I show
that countries are particularly influenced by the choices of
neighbouring countries and by particularly successful policy
experiences. These are two typical contentions of the bounded-learning
literature. I argue that bounded learning and rational learning yield
the same results as soon as one drops the rational-learning assumption
that there are zero costs to gathering new information. I use the
discussion on rational learning versus bounded learning as a basis for
exploring more general issues concerning the diffusion of policy
innovations.
On the Continuing Relevance of the Weberian
Methodological Perspective (with Applications to the Spanish Case of
Elections in the Aftermath of Terrorism)
Robert M. Fishman
Working Paper #317 - February 2005
Abstract
This paper argues for the continuing relevance of Max Weber’s
distinctive methodological perspective by first elaborating its
constitutive elements and then applying it to the analysis of an
important recent political episode: the Spanish case of elections in
the aftermath of terrorism in March 2004. The paper takes as the
central feature of Weberian methodology the embrace of both poles in a
series of intellectual tensions such as the seeming opposition between
pursuing generalizing theorization and case-specific nuance and
specificity. The paper examines the basis for this approach in Weber’s
classic Objectivity Essay and then builds a case for its continuing
relevance by arguing that the impact of the March 11, 2004 terrorist
attack in Madrid on Spain’s March 14 elections cannot be understood
without a thorough analysis of much that is specific to the case’s
political history, its pattern of conflict over regional and national
identities, and its distinctive nexus between institutional and social
movement forms of political engagement. Emphasis is placed on the large
shift of votes in the country’s plurinational periphery and the
electoral impact of micro-demonstrations. The paper argues that this
case shows the importance of using generalizing concepts and theories
without losing sight of case-specific dynamics that fail to fit within
the a priori assumptions of such generalizing approaches.
Class
Formation or Fragmentation? Allegiances and Divisions Among Managers
and Workers in State-Owned Enterprises
Kun-Chin Lin
Working Paper #318 - March 2005
Abstract
This essay argues that crosscutting allegiances between managers and
workers, and between existing workers and ex-workers, have formed
strong social and psychological bases for sustained collective action
and inaction during a period of organizational transformation in
contemporary China. This thesis challenges the conventional wisdom that
implies either class formation during marketization or the failure of
such as an explanation for the alleged limits of the working class in
mobilizing to defend its social contract against the central state.
Through in-depth case studies of Chinese oilfields and refineries, I
identify patterns of fragmentation deriving from intergenerational
differences among the workers, managerial incentive structures, and the
continuing reworking of patron-client relations between subgroups of
workers and managers. I conclude that managers’ and workers’ passive
and active responses to the state’s rapid dismantling of the socialist
notion of “class” in a self-sufficient work unit have placed a tangible
social limit on authoritarian institutional innovation.
Language and Politics: on the Colombian “Establishment”
Eduardo Posada-Carbó
Working Paper #320 - October 2005
Abstract
During the last decade, the term “Establishment” has gained currency
among Colombian opinion makers—be they newspaper columnists,
politicians, or even academics. After surveying the ambiguities of the
concept in the United Kingdom and the United States—the countries where
it was first popularized in the 1950s and 1960s—this paper focuses on
the usages of the expression in the Colombian public debate. Based on a
variety of sources—including op-eds and newspaper reports, interviews
with leading public figures, and other political and academic
documents—I show how generalized the term has become. I examine how the
prevailing language gives the “Establishment” a central role in shaping
political developments in the past decades. It blames the
“Establishment” for the country’s most fundamental problems while
conferring on this same “Establishment” the power to solve them.
However, any attempt to identify what is meant by the “Establishment”
soon reveals an extremely confusing picture. In the final part of the
paper, I highlight some of the implications of the general usage of
such a vague and contradictory concept for the quality of democratic
debate, the legitimacy of the political system, and the possible
solution of the armed conflict in Colombia.
With
Friends Like These: Protest Strategies and the Left in Brazil and Mexico
Kathleen Bruhn
Working Paper #321 - October 2005
Abstract
This paper looks at the impact of Left victory and Left party alliance
on the
protest behavior of popular movements, based on an original dataset of
protest
in Mexico City, Brasilia, and São Paulo. I ask, first, whether Left
victories
reduce levels of protest, and second, whether party alliances constrain
protest.
My findings suggest that neither hypothesis is systematically correct.
Organizations do not protest significantly less against their allies.
Nor do
Left governments experience less protest in general. Indeed, in two of
the three
cities analyzed, Left governments experienced more protest than
conservative
governments, much of it directed by their own political allies. In all
three
cities, Left party allies protest significantly more regardless of who
is in
power. These results suggest, first, that the tactical repertoires of
movements
reflect fairly stable characteristics of movement type, resources,
and/or
culture, as some sociological work has argued. Indeed, these stable
characteristics trump changes in local political opportunity structures
as
predictors of movement tactics. Second, political opportunity
structures do
matter, but in inconsistent ways across cases. Therefore, my findings
also
suggest the potential fruitfulness of further specifying the contextual
conditions under which Left victories result in increased or decreased
tendencies to protest.
External
Pressures and International Norms in Latin American Pension Reform
Kurt Weyland
Working Paper #323 - February 2006
Abstract
What accounts for the striking of wave of pension privatization that
swept
across Latin America during the 1990s? Many authors argue that the
international
financial institutions (IFIs) successfully promoted this drastic
change, forcing
or persuading weak developing countries to enact their uniform
blueprints. But
the present analysis, based on field research in Bolivia, Brazil, Costa
Rica, El
Salvador, and Peru, shows that these claims are not convincing. The
IFIs cannot
impose external models of social sector reform on Latin American
countries; to a
greater or lesser extent, all five countries under investigation—even
weak,
aid-dependent Bolivia— diverged from IFI recommendations. The diffusion
of
Chilean-style pension privatization did not result from the spread of
new norms
and values either; in fact, the IFIs promoted structural social
security reform
with instrumental, not normative arguments. Instead of vertical
imposition,
horizontal contagion among developing countries of equal
status—especially
direct learning from Chilean pension specialists—accounts for the
diffusion of
social security privatization. Even in the age of globalization,
national
sovereignty is quite alive and surprisingly well.
Los
Sistemas de Partidos en los Países Andinos, 1980–2005: Reformismo
Institucional, Autoritarismos Competitivos y los Desafíos Actuales
Martín Tanaka
Working Paper #324 - March 2006
Abstract
Here I study the party systems in the Andean countries in the last
twenty-five years. Facing the challenges of the exhaustion of the
statist
national-popular development model, these countries followed a path of
intense
institutional reform, opening and democratizing the political systems.
In the
middle of these attempts, the party system collapsed in Peru and
Venezuela,
while in Bolivia, Colombia, and Ecuador, the party systems manage to
evolve
despite significant crisis. The difference between the two paths is a
significant one: the collapse of the party systems led to the
establishment of
competitive authoritarian regimes, while the gradual opening of the
political
system allowed the emergence of new forces and the presence of sectors
previously excluded or subordinated under pluralistic schemes. In
recent years,
the exhaustion of market reforms and an adverse international
environment places
the region again in a new critical juncture, where the main options
seem to be
to continue through a path of more reforms and opening of the political
system,
which may lead to governability crisis, or attempt to organize and
institutionalize the disordered opening produced in recent years.
Sacred
Writings, Profane World: Notes on the History of Ideas in Brazil
Francisco C. Weffort∗
Working Paper #325 - April 2006
Abstract
Like other Ibero-American countries, Brazil is a country whose Catholic
origins would mark its cultural uniqueness for centuries to come. It
was a new
country, born in the wake of the great discoveries of the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, and dependent in its first centuries on Portuguese
colonizing efforts that paved the way for the modern era, similar to
the other
Iberian countries of America, which were dependent on Spain. Brazil was
also
marked by the historical vicissitudes of the late Middle Ages, by the
short
Renaissance experienced in the Iberian countries, and by the
Counter-Reformation
and long decadence of the centuries that followed. After giving the
world its
first glimpse of modernity, Portugal and Spain appeared for centuries
to be
fortresses of tradition. Fruit of a history that was divided between
seduction
by the past and fascination with the new, Brazilian culture still shows
traces
of these origins.
In more recent times we have preferred to simplify the image of that
past,
obeying the economic orientation that has become the dominant feature
of our
intellectual life and the main current of a style of thinking. Even our
memory
of the most distant past has been subordinated to the same
one-dimensional logic
of economic interest that we generally apply to present situations. Yet
by
relegating cultural and political passions to the margins, we are left
with only
a partial view of history that ignores essential aspects. This paper
attempts to
shed light on some of those forgotten truths.
Growth
and Transformation of the Workers’ Party in Brazil, 1989–2002
Wendy Hunter
Working Paper #326 - August 2006
Abstract
The Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) in Brazil, a once radical
and programmatic party whose impressive rise in Brazil’s
patronage-oriented political system appeared to defy institutionalist
logic, has come to look more like its catchall competitors. Rather than
continuing to build upon its earlier promise to shape the party system
in a more programmatic direction and induce higher standards of conduct
among the country’s politicians, the PT—once called an “anomaly” and
the most likely case for continued difference—has itself become more
like a typical Brazilian party. This evolution resulted from the
increasing emphasis that party leaders placed on immediate
vote–maximization and the corresponding moves to bring the party closer
to the political center. While this shift expanded the party’s
electoral base, the pull to power rendered the PT more vulnerable to
institutional incentives and effectively compromised its political
integrity. Thus, rather than transforming the system, the PT
became yet another of its victims.
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