From The New York Review of Books
Capitalism Beyond the Crisis
By Amartya Sen - February 25, 2009
It is also worth mentioning in this context, especially since the
“welfare state” emerged long after Smith’s own time, that in his
various writings, his overwhelming concern—and worry—about the fate of
the poor and the disadvantaged are strikingly prominent. The most
immediate failure of the market mechanism lies in the things that the
market leaves undone. Smith’s economic analysis went well
beyond leaving everything to the invisible hand of the market
mechanism. He was not only a defender of the role of the state in
providing public services, such as education, and in poverty relief
(along with demanding greater freedom for the indigents who received
support than the Poor Laws of his day provided), he was also deeply
concerned about the inequality and poverty that might survive in an
otherwise successful market economy.
From Financial Times
Adam Smith’s market
never stood alone
By Amartya Sen
Published: March 10 2009
Exactly 90 years ago, in March 1919, faced with another economic
crisis, Vladimir Lenin discussed the dire straits of contemporary
capitalism. He was, however, unwilling to write an epitaph: “To believe
that there is no way out of the present crisis for capitalism is an
error.” That particular expectation of Lenin’s, unlike some he held,
proved to be correct enough. Even though American and European markets
got into further problems in the 1920s, followed by the Great
Depression of the 1930s, in the long haul after the end of the second
world war, the market economy has been exceptionally dynamic,
generating unprecedented expansion of the global economy over the past
60 years. Not any more, at least not right now. The global economic
crisis began suddenly in the American autumn and is gathering speed at
a frightening rate, and government attempts to stop it have had very
little success despite unprecedented commitments of public funds.
|
From UNDP - 2009
Markets, the State and the Dynamics of
Inequality
The main objective of this project is to discuss and propose specific
policies directed to reduce welfare gaps among and within different
social groups, through economic growth and efficient and equitable
market mechanisms
|
From Open University
The changing relationships
between state, market and civil society
The central development debates over the last fifty years can –
somewhat crudely – be characterised by shifting perceptions of the
relative roles of the state and the market. Until the late 1970s
development policy and practice was dominated by a state-led vision of
social and institutional change. By the 1980s, neo-liberal perspectives
came to dominate. Through the late 1990s and into the early 2000s, a
reframing of the relationship between state and market took place and
greater interest was expressed in ‘getting social relations right’. As
a result, a third element, ‘civil society’, has become a dominant
feature of the institutional landscape within which development
intervention takes place.
Review of African Political Economy, 35, 1, 23—42.
New African choices? The politics of Chinese engagement in Africa and
the changing architecture of international development
Giles Mohan and Marcus Power
Abstract
The role of China must be understood in the context of competing and
intensified global energy politics, in which the US, India and China
are among the key players vying for security of supply. Contrary to
popular representation, China’s role in Africa is much more than this
however, opening up new choices for African development for the first
time since the neo-liberal turn of the 1980s. As such it is important
to start by disaggregating ‘China’ and ‘Africa’ since neither
represents a coherent and uniform set of motivations and opportunities.
This points to the need for, at minimum, a comparative case study
approach which highlights the different agendas operating in different
African states. It also requires taking a longue durée perspective
since China-Africa relations are long standing and recent intervention
builds on Cold War solidarities, in polemic at least. It also forces us
to consider Chinese involvement in Africa as ambivalent, but
contextual. We focus on the political dimensions of this engagement and
set out a research agenda that focuses on class and racial dynamics,
state restructuring, party politics, civil society responses and aid
effectiveness.
|
From the Asian Development Bank
Sustainable Development in
Asia, 1999
Market, state and civil society
Some key issues regarding the transition
period from unsustainable industrial, agricultural,
and infrastructure practices to
sustainable development are examined here.
Government policies, market incentives, and
public pressure need to align to push reluctant
public and private sector enterprises to waste
less, pollute less, and meet more of the needs of
low-income households, women, and socially
excluded groups.
However, sustainable development will not
result solely from a fortuitous conjunction of
correct pricing, sound regulation and enforcement,
and inevitably sporadic public pressure.
The challenge is too great; the gap between
crisis and potential achievements of environmental
policy shifts is widening daily. Only fundamental
shifts in culture, in the mindsets of
enterprise managers, government functionaries,
and owners of capital, can extricate Asia and
the Pacific from a morass of obsolete technologies
and process designs and overcentralized
infrastructural behemoths, and put it on the
path to a revolutionary transformation of production,
consumption, and distribution of
resources.
|
From Monthly Review - October 1998
"The State in a Changing World": Social-Democratizing Global Capitalism?
By Leo Panitch
There are two central developments that define our era. One of these is
the historic failure of the socialist project of the mass working-class
parties, both Communist and Social Democratic. The other is, of course,
what has commonly come to be known as the "globalization" of
capitalism. These two developments are certainly related to one
another, but they cannot be reduced to one another. Each also has its
own specific dynamics which need to be analysed separately.
The failure of communism was not only due to the strength of global
capitalism. It was also due to the Communist Parties and regimes lack
of understanding that democratic rights alone provide socialism with
the political air it needs to breathe. Under a dictatorship, without
multiple parties, freedom of the press, speech, and association,
workers could never learn how to become a ruling class, as Rosa
Luxemburg chastised Lenin immediately after his dissolution of the
constituent assembly. In the absence of political freedom there is no
way to generate the "thousand solutions" that need to be discovered in
face of the "thousand problems" that revolutionary change inevitably
entails.
|
K. Dervis, 1997:
Global
markets and the state: new challenges for a new century
Moreover, in line with the caveat I just entered about the problematic
aspects of
globalization, could some of the economic forces and social pressures
it has unleashed adversely
affect the process of global economic integration, despite today’s
confident forecasts? For
example, can globalization and open markets survive the extreme
volatility that seems periodically
to grip capital markets? Events in Mexico and the “Tequila Crisis” they
sparked elsewhere in
Latin America barely three years ago, and the recent financial crisis
in Asia, show countries and
groups of countries attracting tens of billions of foreign capital in
one year and losing equal
amounts the next--with the turnaround apparently occurring in a matter
of days if not hours. What
does this imply about the role of the state in modern economies? And
are there special social
challenges associated with globalization? What are the consequences for
social cohesion (and
hence for the continuing assent of the governed to the policies of
economic openness espoused by
increasing numbers of governments worldwide) of apparently rising
inequality in some countries
and unemployment in others? And will governments continue to be able to
provide core services
to their peoples if international mobility, especially of capital,
undermines parts of the tax base on
which they have relied? |
Thandika Mkandawire, 1998:**
Thinking About Developmental
States in Africa
One remarkable feature of the discourse on the state and development in
Africa is the disjuncture between an analytical tradition that insists
on the impossibility of developmental states in Africa and a
prescriptive literature that presupposes their existence. States whose
capacity to pursue any national project is denied at one level
(theoretical or diagnostic) are exhorted, at the prescriptive level, to
assume roles that are, ex definicione, beyond their capacity or
political will. Such states are urged to "delink", to reduce
themselves, to stabilize the economy, to privatize the economy, to
engage in "good governance", to democratize themselves and society, to
create an "enabling environment" for the private sector, etc. In other
words, to do what they cannot do. What we then have is, to paraphrase
Gramci, the pessimism of the diagnosis and the optimism of the
prescription. Obviously such a contradictory position is unsatisfactory.
|
Mark Beeson - 2004
The rise and fall (?)
of the developmental state: the vicissitudes and implications of East
Asian interventionism
In the aftermath of the Second World War a number of features of the
evolving
international order were especially striking. Most obviously, the world
divided into
two implacably opposed ideologically and militarily opposed camps – a
structurally
entrenched bifurcation that was to distinguish post-war international
relations for
more than four decades.
At the same time, an equally surprising and – arguably –
important, but altogether more positive development occurred: much of
East Asia
began to rapidly industrialise and witnessed a concomitant and
seemingly permanent
rise in living standards across the region as a consequence. East
Asia’s transformation
was surprising because even as late as the 1960s and 1970s, influential
strands of
radical scholarship continued to question whether the ‘peripheral’
parts of an
increasingly inter-connected global economy could ever hope to escape
the predations
and exploitation of the established industrial heartlands of Western
Europe and North
America. And yet the fact that Japan had rapidly re-established itself
as East Asia’s
pre-eminent industrial economy appeared to be unequivocal evidence
that, not only
was rapid economic development possible outside the established ‘core’
economies,
but that such a processes might ultimately take on a regional and
self-sustaining
quality.
|
The Myth of the Friendly
Markets
by Mahbub ul Haq - Special Advisor to the Administrator of the United
Nations Development
Programme. This is an edited transcript of an address given extempore
at the World Bank's Twelfth
Agriculture Sector Symposium on January 8, 1992.
...before I come to the markets and
what I call "the myth of the friendly markets," let me
go back a little as to why an overcommitment as made to the public
sector in many developing
countries. Were we so ill-informed that we did not know what we were
doing? I think, at that time,
all of us, as we grew up during our formative years, faced the
challenge of tremendous poverty in our
societies. We realized that great disparity existed between various
income groups and that we needed
to pursue a range of social objectives, not only higher economic
growth, to liberate our societies from
poverty. In this search for social objectives, many developing
countries lost their way. There was an innocent flirtation with
socialism but unfortunately there was a mix up between ends and means.
The
means that were chosen were a large role for the public sector and,
instead of a pursuit of the real
social objectives, often it became bureaucratic capitalism. The economy
was handed on a silver platter
to the civil servants, often ill-trained and ill-paid. Many times they
used controls and regulations, not
to enrich the economy but to enrich themselves.
|
J. F. Linn - October 2006 -Wolfensohn
Center for Development
State
versus Market: Forever a Struggle?
" Economic historians tell us that swings in
dominance between state and market go back many centuries. Over the
last 200 years these swings seem to have gathered in speed. The
industrialization process of the West in the 19th century was
characterized by a dominant market and a small government sector. After
World War I the state took over, not only in the Soviet Union. Western
governments also assume growing roles after the Great Depression and
then during and after World War II, with the rise of socialist
ideology, the economic theory of "market failure" and the belief in
planning by government as a way to promote a stronger economy and a
better life for its citizens.
By the late-1970s the socialist, central planning and statist models
ran out of steam around the globe, as a backlash of neo-liberalism,
based on the ideas of Milton Friedman and translated into the policies
of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, took hold in many parts of the
world, including in Russia after 1990. "Government failure," excessive
size of government and too much state intervention were blamed for many
of the world's ills. Smaller government and a dominant market were seen
as the solution.
Perhaps we should not have been surprised to see yet another backlash
by the end of the 20th century as opposition to the neo-liberal
"Washington Consensus" and to a market-driven globalization process
became a slogan for Nobel-prize winning economists and street
protestors alike. And so a reversal in Russia also was probably to be
expected as President Putin took over from President Yeltsin. "
UNITED
NATIONS INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT ORGANIZATION
Vienna, 2008:
Creating an enabling environment
for private sector development
in sub-Saharan Africa
The key role played by the private sector in
spurring economic development, often referred
to as “engine of growth”, has since long been common knowledge. Private
sector development
(PSD) has thus received increasing attention by policy-makers in the
developing
world and by the development community alike. In this context, the
creation of an enabling
business environment through business environment reforms has been
acknowledged as
an important pre-requisite for unleashing a private sector response
that leads to dynamic
growth, and ultimately employment and income generation. A debate is
ongoing, however,
as to the relative merits and development impact of improvements of
various dimensions
of the business environment on the one hand, and of targeted public
policy interventions
in support of PSD on the other.
The present study by the German Development Institute (GDI), Bonn,
offers a contribution
to this debate. Taking a closer look at the reasoning and results of a
set of regulatory
reforms in sub-Saharan Africa—focusing on easing business registration,
the provision
of property rights and the simplification of labour regulations—the
study advocates a balanced
approach. It argues that while constituting a necessary condition,
business environment
reforms alone will ultimately not be sufficient to foster enterprise
development in
sub-Saharan Africa in a broad way, and hence require supplementary
action at other fronts.
Structural Transformation and Polycentric Governance:
A Constitutional Gateway towards Nigerian
Democratization
Dr. S. R. AKINOLA - 2006
Department of Public Administration
Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria.
The misfortune of the post-independence
development paradigm in Africa
is that it is monocratically centralized, separating African leaders
from the rest of
African people. The state-dominated and state-driven economy has no
mechanism
and inspiration to rally the large percentage of African citizenry, who
are in the
informal sector around socio-economic and political projects. The
Africans could
not use their common sad experiences to solve their problems (Sawyer
1992).
Analyses of postcolonial Africa social orders have frequently faltered
because the
colonial experience has been used as the paradigm and this has not
really helped
Africa. Individual peculiarities have been set aside.
|
A. K. Bagchi- 2000
The past and future of the developmental state
The concept of the developmental
state and its
transformations through history.
Like most human institutions—the family, the village, the city, the
state,
customs, laws, the nation—the developmental state was born long
before anybody thought of naming it. There are debates about when it
was
born, whether all developmental states (as they are usually
characterized)
are properly labeled, and whether there have been developmental states
overlooked literature. In this paper, it will be claimed, inter alia,
that indeed
there were developmental states long before economists, political
scientists
or historians recognized them as such, and that not all developmental
states,
as conventionally labeled, have been true members of the select club of
developmental states.
First, let us see what a developmental state (DS) means in the era of
the
global spread of capitalism. It is a state that puts economic
development as
the top priority of governmental policy and is able to design effective
instruments
|
| L. Boer: Feature Review: The State in a
Changing World |
UN Public Administration
Programme
Division for Public Administration and Development Management
UN Commission on Global
Governance
|
World Development Report 1997
The State in a Changing World (Summary)
Around the globe, the state is in the spotlight. Far-reaching
developments in the global economy have us revisiting basic questions
about government: what its role should be, what it can and cannot do,
and how best to do it.
The last fifty years have shown clearly both the benefits and the
limitations of state action, especially in the promotion of
development. Governments have helped to deliver substantial
improvements in education and health and reductions in social
inequality. But government actions have also led to some very poor
outcomes. And even where governments have done a good job in the past,
many worry that they will not be able to adapt to the demands of a
globalizing world economy.
The new worries and questions about the state's role are many and
various, but four recent developments have given them particular
impetus:...
|
G. M. Carew - 1995
Development theory and the promise of democracy in Africa
My objective in this essay is twofold: first, I will attempt to assess
two major hurdles to the transition to democracy. I argue that the
first experiment with democratic regimes in postcolonial Africa was
derailed by two false moves:
a) the presumption of nationhood in
devising a postcolonial political order;
b) the adoption of a flawed
and inadequate theoretical framework for interpreting political
processes in Africa. Second, I argue that the removal of these
obstacles to democratic governance imposes one further conditionality:
the need to reconceptualize democratic criteria in a bid to render it
relevant to culturally plural and ethnically diverse societies.
|
Y. Bangura - UNRISD - 1991
Authoritarian Rule and Democracy in Africa: A Theoretical
Discourse,
The last few years have been marked by intense struggles for democratic
reform in several African countries and the 1990s are likely to be the
decade for transition to democracy in a growing number of African
countries. In this highly topical study, Yusuf Bangura tackles the
profoundly important and complex questions of the foundations and
determinants of authoritarianism and democracy in Africa. The paper
addresses itself to such questions as: How does one explain the
persistence of authoritarian and military rules in a large number of
African countries? What are the key processes involved in the
transition from authoritarian and military régimes to civilian and
democratic ones? What are the structural pre-conditions for sustenance
of democratic systems in African countries? What are the implications
of economic crisis and structural adjustment for the prospects of
democracy in the continent?
|
Róbinson Rojas - 1997
Notes on the centrality of the African state
Two contradictory features have marked the development of the African
state after decolonization: extreme political fragility and extreme
consistency in serving the interests of international capital. In both
cases, a common structure: a gap, a lack of connection, between African
civil society and African state. The African state mainly as a dynamic
part of the structure of dependency, and governments as the foreman to
keep civil society producing a surplus to be accumulated by foreign
and native social elites which enjoy almost absolutist power.
How external forces extract surplus from dependent economies in Asia,
Africa and Latin America, is well documented. How internal forces
extract surplus in dependent economies is less documented. Sometimes,
impressionistic snapshots are useful. J. Bayart, in "The Sate in
Africa", Longman, 1993, writes:...
|
A.Okolo - 1983
Dependency in Africa: stages of African
political economy
(This work, first presented at a conference on "The Future of
Africa" organized by the University of Ife, in Nigeria, and then
published in ALTERNATIVES, Vol. IX, No. 2, 1983, provides the
researcher with a well reasoned reading of the political economy of
African development/lack of development, which should be considered
by the so-called 'experts in development studies' serving the interests
of the international capital. I reproduce and annotate here some
excerpts
of this major work on the African political economy. Róbinson Rojas)
The history of Africa is a history of domination by the Western
political economy, which created and now dominates and operates the
modern world system.
|
ECLA - 1972
The political context and the role of the State
The gap between the prevailing real styles of development and the
value-
oriented images of what development should provide have accentuated two
political contradictions that have long been present in the region:
(a) The contradiction between the imposing roles assigned to the State
as defender of national sovereignty, definer of the national purpose,
arbiter between interest-groups and dispenser of services, and the
frequently deficient policy-making, planning, administrative and
financial capacities of the State;
(b) The contradiction between political forms emphasizing equal rights
and democratic procedures, and the very uneven distribution of
opportunities for political participation.
In most Latin American countries, reliance on the State to "solve
problems" of whatever nature is more widely diffused throughout the
population than in most other parts of the third world, and is much
more
pronounced than it was at the earlier stages of development of the
countries which are now industrialized.
|
Migration of peoples, disintegration of states
(Africa 1999)
Regional migrations, disintegrating
states, geopolitical restructuring: Africa is constantly pulling itself
apart and taking on new shapes under the combined effects of
demography, massive urbanisation and the economic, military and
religious ambitions being pursued. These conflicts and movements rarely
fit into a pattern based on the state and they are hard to pin down.
Yet the mosaic makes up a picture on which the continent’s new
frontiers are being drawn...
|
M. Van Creveld - 1996
The fate of the state
In this article the state of the state will be discussed under five
headings. Part I looks at the state's declining ability to
fight other states. Part II outlines the rise and fall of the
welfare state. Part III examines the effects of modern
technology, economics, and the media. Part IV focuses on the
state's ability to maintain public order. Finally, Part V is an
attempt to tie all the threads together and to see where we are headed.
US Army. Strategic
Studies Institute
|
P. H. Baker/J. A. Ausink:
State collapse and ethnic violence: toward a
predictive model |
| S. Saumon: From
state capitalism to neo-liberalism in Algeria: the case of a failing
state |
| S. Saumon: External
domination via domestic states: the case of Francophone Africa |
| S. Saumon: French
neo-colonialism in Francophone Africa? The role of the state in
processes of foreign domination |
| V. A. Schmidt: The
New World Order, Incorporated: the rise of business and the decline of
the nation state |
| V. L. Uchidelle: Globalization
has not severed corporations' national links |
R. Lubbers/J. Koorevar:
Nation state and
democracy in the globalized world (1998)
Within globalization studies a debate is going on about the effects
globalization has on the governance-capacity and role of the state. A
lot of authors claim, either with enthusiasm (Ohmae) or with regret
(Strange), that the state is 'losing out'. Others (Sassen) take a more
nuanced stance, claiming that indeed the state is weaker in fulfilling
its traditional roles (like redistribution), but that it is at the same
time gaining strength with respect to other policy-functions (like
protection of contract-rights/private property, like the creation of
international standards regulating international trade/investments,
etc.). All authors stress the importance of governance by
intergovernmental institutions (IGOs). They all point at the internal
and external security deficit haunting all states.
|
E. J. Arnold, Jr.:
The use of military
power in pursuit on national interests (1994. U.S.A)
In remarking
that "war is merely the continuation of policy by other means,"
Clausewitz unambiguously defined the conduct of war--the use of
military force--as a means for a state to achieve policy and not an end
in itself.[1] He implied, but did not state, that other means must also
exist. These other means as well as the use of military force emanate
from the four elements of national power: military, economic,
political, and social. What Clausewitz did not discuss in his treatise On
War were the circumstances under which war becomes the correct
means with which to pursue policy--the imposition or dominance of one
state's national interests over those of another state. He never
answered the question: When is it proper to use military force in the
pursuit of national interests? |
G. Arrighi
Globalization, State Sovereignty, and the 'Endless'
Accumulation of Capital (1997)
I shall begin
by arguing that much of what goes under the catch-word "globalization"
has in fact been a recurrent tendency of world capitalism since
early-modern times. This recurrence makes the dynamics and likely
outcome(s) of present transformations more predictable than they would
be if globalization were as novel a phenomenon as many observers think.
I shall then shift my focus on the evolutionary pattern that has
enabled world capitalism and the underlying system of sovereign states
to become, as Immanuel Wallerstein (1997) puts it, "the first
historical system to include the entire globe within its geography."
Fernand Braudel Center
|
Foreign Policy IN FOCUS
FPIF tackles critical issues getting short shrift by
policymakers and in the mainstream media: military outsourcing, drone
attacks, immigration, Islamophobia, terrorism, military bases, and so
much more...
|
The State, the community and
society in social development
by F. H. Cardoso, President of Brazil
(Translation of the revised text of President Cardoso's address at the
First Regional Follow-up Conference on the World Social Development
Summit Meeting (Sao Paulo, 6-9 PRIL 1997))
"The World Summit for Social Development, held in Copenhagen on 11 and
12 March 1995, brought up once more the ideals which gave rise to the
United Nations at the San Francisco Conference and which have since
been reasserted in many forums of the Organization. The maintenance of
peace and security, although an irreplaceable element in the peaceful
coexistence of nations, was not the only objective of that Conference,
however: it also sought to lay the foundations for a form of
coexistence which would make possible more harmonious development. The
United Nations Charter which emerged from that meeting was the clear
expression of a humanistic spirit and of the quest for democratic
ideals and values which made human beings the centre of governments’
concern."
F.H. Cardoso and E. Faletto - 1979
Capitalist development and the state: bases and alternatives
(The subheadings were added by Dr. Róbinson Rojas. The
text is part of
the POST SCRIPTUM, in Cardoso and Faletto, "Dependency
and Development
in Latin America", University of California Press,
1979, 1979, translated from Cardoso y Faletto, "Dependencia y
Desarrollo
en América Latina", Siglo XXI Editores, México, primera edición, 1969)
The more developed countries of Latin America are attempting to define
foreign policy objectives that take advantage of contradictions in the
international order and allow these countries some independent policy-
making. But these countries remain dependent and assure an internal
social order favorable to capitalist interests and consequently fail to
challenge one of the basic objectives of American foreign policy.
Multinational enterprises continue to receive support from the foreign
policies of their countries of origin, as well as from local states.
|
G. Schopflin, 1997:
Civil
Society, Ethnicity and the State: a threefold relationship
Presentation
Traditionally civil society is conceptualised as a necessary condition
of democracy. Indeed, some arguments come close to seeing civil society
and citizenship as the sole defining condition of democracy. The
proposition to be argued here is that the problem is, in fact, much
more complex and that civil society is only one component of democracy,
though a vital one.
In brief, the argument to be put forward here is that democracy is
composed of three key, interdependent elements - civil society, the
state and ethnicity. These three are in a continuous, interactive
relationship. They have different functions and roles, create
different, at times overlapping, at times contradictory attitudes and
aspirations and through their continuous interaction, all three are
reshaped and reformulated dynamically. Hence civil society is not a
static entity, a state of affairs that has been reached and is then
established for good, but is fluid, shifting, conflictual, responsive
to changes in politics and vulnerable to hostile pressures. |
International Monetary Fund
Economic Forum 2001:
Governing
global finance: the role of civil society
|
UNRISD:
Globalization and civil
society: NGO influence in international decision-making |
UNRISD:
Greening and the
grassroots: people's participation in sustainable development |
UNRISD:
Copenhaguen Plus Five.
Follow-up to the social summit |
UNRISD:
Trade-related
employment for women in industry and services in developing countries |
IFAD, 1995:
Civil society:
development from the roots up |
C. P. Oman, 2001:
Corporate
Governance and National Development
The case studies identified key forces resisting moves to improve
corporate governance,
including vested interest goups, and those that can be mobilised to
work for improvements such
as the rise of institutional investors. Two of their titles, “Private
Vices in Public Places” and “The
Tide Rises, Gradually”, convey the tenor of the studies and also of
this paper. They are listed in
the references and available on our website. In the paper they are
quoted by the name of the
country.
It was after the Development Centre’s Washington Conference on
Corruption, coinciding
with the signing of the OECD Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign
Public Officials in
International Business Transactions, in February 1999, that we began to
look at corporate
governance from a developmental perspective. This was a natural sequel
to the Washington
Conference, which had shown the important role of the private sector in
the quest for more
transparency and the fight against corruption. Its final report was
issued in October 2000 on the
occasion of an Anti–Corruption Summit organised in Washington among
others by USAID and
the World Bank. |
| |
PARAMETERS
(US Army War College
Quarterly) |
ECLAC:
Changing
production patterns with social equity
*Introduction. By the Executive
Secretary of ECLAC (1997)
*Changing Production Patterns
with Social Equity (1990)
*Policies to Improve linkages
with the global economy (1995)
*Population, Social Equity and
Changing Production Patterns (1995)
*The Equity Gap: Latin America,
the Caribbean and the Social
Summit (1996)
*Sustainable Development:
Changing Production Patterns, Social Equity and the Environment (1991)
*Social Equity and Changing
Production Patterns: An Integrated Approach (1992) |
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